The Ultimate Tragic Hero King Lear English Literature Essay

The Ultimate Tragic Hero King Lear English Literature Essay King Lear, one of William Shakespeares greatest tragedies, depicts a society in grim circumstances. As with all tragedies, there exists a tragic hero  [1]  , one who possesses a fatal flaw that initiates the tragedy and all the sufferings that follow. In this play, the tragic hero is undoubtedly the title character, King Lear. The plot is driven by the power and consequence of losses, more specifically, the losses of Lear. In the course the play, King Lear, because of his flaws, loses his authority as a king, his identity as a father, and his sanity as a man. One loss builds on another, but moreover, his greatest loss, and what distinguishes this tragedy from all others, is his chance of redemption. Unlike other tragedies, there is no salvation for the tragic hero or any sign of optimism in the conclusion. This bleak portrayal of King Lear, through his losses, makes him the ultimate tragic hero, and the play an ultimate tragedy. The play begins with King Lears decision to divide his kingdom among his three daughters. This is the first sign of Lears loss the loss of authority. Wanting to abandon his responsibilities before his time, Lear claims, tis our fast intent / To shake all cares and business from our age, / Conferring them on younger strengths while we / Unburdened crawl toward death (I.i.38-41). It can be argued that his flaw is in his decision to prematurely abdicate the throne, going against nature. However, it is more crucial to realize that his major flaw is actually in his character, shown through his judgment in renouncing his power. Lear carries immense insecurity and egotism as he announces that he will offer the largest share of kingdom to the daughter who professes the greatest love for him. Goneril and Regan both proclaim in fulsome terms that they love him more than anything in the world, while Cordelia speaks from her heart in honest terms that she loves him exactly as a daughter should love her father. Valuing self-importance above all else, Lear is blind to the loyalty and love of Cordelia and instead, perceptive to the flattery of his two vile daughters. Furthermore, Lear is infuriated when Kent objects and protests to his decision: Thy youngest daughter does not love thee least, / Nor are those emptyhearted whose low sounds / Reverb no hollowness (I.i.153-155). This fatal flaw of insecurity and egotism induces Lear to make error in his judgment, resulting in the improper division of his kingdom and the loss of his two most loyal companions Cordelia and Kent. The consequences of this error build up throughout the play, leading to Lears ultimate tragic fall. Lears lost royal authority now transfers to his two daughters, Goneril and Regan, and they deceitfully use this power against him. Ironically, Lear also falls in status, to a level inferior to that of his own children. Goneril no longer loves him beyond all manner and Regan no longer is an enemy to all other joys as they have professed in the beginning (I.i. 61, 73). Instead, Goneril reprimands his father for the way his servants and knights have infected her home (I.iv.237). Regan follows suit, and insist that The old man and his people/ Cannot be well bestowed (II.iv.258). His daughters no longer even respect him. Lear has now lost his identity as a father, since he even confesses that [He] should be false persuaded / [He] had daughters (I.iv.227-228). Troubled and confused, Lear reveals his weakened sense of identity when asking Who is it that can tell me who I am (I.iv.224). Stripped of authority as king, Lear has now also lost authority as a father over his own flesh and blood. King Lears banishment from his daughters undoubtedly has tremendous psychological effect on him. He not only loses youth as he crawl toward death, but also loses sanity as his heartà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦break into a hundred thousand flaws and heà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦go mad (I.i.41, II.iv.284-286). With so much suffering already thrown upon Lear due to his tragic flaw, it seems that Shakespeare has now shown pity and decided to set the stage for a reversal of fate. Losing sanity has given King Lear the opportunity to discover the truth and the core of humanity. With disapproval of Regan and Goneril, Lear heads outside, where a wild storm takes place. In this time of chaos, Lear meets Edgar as Poor Tom and gains profound revelation of man and life. Seeing Poor Tom bare, at humans most natural state, Lear questions, Is man no more than this? and realizes that the unaccomodated man is no more but such a poor, bare, forked animal as thou art (III.iv.103-104, 107-109). He continues with disrobing himsel f, and at the same time, removing himself from any social constraints. It is at the extreme low point that Lear strips of his rationality and relies on his inner instincts to fully grasp his identity and regain his humanity. He now understands the deep love of Cordelia and the disguise employed by his other daughters. The real King Lear finally emerges. Although Shakespeare creates this turning point for Lear, he is actually paving the way for a greater tragedy. Lear loses everything he has authority, family, and sanity, but now he faces his greatest loss the chance for redemption. After the storm, Lear is finally reunited with Cordelia as he struggles to regain his sanity. Cordelia  never loses her love for her father even after he has disowned her, and after seeing him, she cries, O my dear father, restoration hang / Thy medicine on my lips, and let this kiss / repair those violent harms that my two sisters / have in thy reverence made (IV.vii.27-30). The mention of restoration signifies Cordelias ability to redeem Lear of his previous mistakes. When Lear wakes up, he admits, I am a very foolish fond old manà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦I fear I am not in my perfect mind (IV.vii.61,65). This reveals Lears new regained understanding of himself and his admittance to his faults, a sign of the first step towards redemption. At this point, after all the turbulence, the audience takes a sigh of relief, feeling positive and seeing hope for Lear. Unfortunately however, this play does not leave any traces optimism. In the final act, Edmund captures Lear and Cordelia as his prisoners, and orders both to be killed. Lear escapes, but Cordelia, his loyal and loving daughter, dies. Lear finally realizes only Cordelia can give him a chance which redeem all sorrows that ever [he] have felt (V.iii.272-273). Her death breaks the last thread between Lear and happiness. He expresses his deepest sufferings and declares his sorrows when sees Cordelia has gone foreverà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Shes dead as earth (V.iii.265-267). With nothing left, not even the future and possibility for redemption, Lear loses the only possession that remains his life. King Lear is truly a tragic hero because he was so close to happiness after much torment, yet he is still unable to achieve salvation, and instead, he is subjected to complete deterioration, both mentally and physically. Is this the promised end? Kent, Lears loyal servant, questions at the end of the play (V.iii.270). Indeed, this is the tragic end of King Lear, a play displaying a world of corruption. King Lear, due to his tragic flaw of insecurity and egotism, makes an initial mistake that soon snowballs into a series of losses, including the loss of authority, identity and sanity. Just as he is about to redeem himself, he is deprived of that chance as he losses the only one capable of restoring him Cordelia. The play ends with the ultimate downfall of the tragic hero, as Lear dies in a state of grief. In this way, King Lear portrays not only the tragedy of a society, but more importantly, the tragedy of a man. Even though Lear has undergone much transformation and realized the meaning of humanity, the bleak society he lives in does not warrant him the opportunity for redemption. Through revealing his losses, King Lear illustrates the journey of the title character, an ultimate tragic hero.

Curriculum Implication

This section firstly examines curriculum as a mediator of dominance and hegemony, exploring ideological issues in the selection and structuring of knowledge and in pedagogic practice. Secondly we focus on the issue of representation of subaltern groups, culture and ideologies. The concept of curriculum is used here to designate the experiences pupils have under the guidance of the school. Most issues in this area are predicated upon the assumption that appropriate school experiences can indeed make a significant difference to learning and lives of SC/ST children. Content of curriculum and internal operations are thus key issues that need to be addressed. Also very important are related areas of pedagogic methods, assessment and evaluation. In India, curriculum and the content of education have been central to the processes of reproduction of caste, class, cultural and patriarchal domination-subordination. In post independence educational policy, modification of content supposedly aimed at indigenization resulted in Brahmanisation as a key defining feature of the curriculum. Brahmanisation has been evident in the emphasis on (1) ‘pure’ language, (2) literature and other â€Å"knowledge† of society, history, polity, religion and culture that is produced by higher castes which reflects Brahmanical world view and experiences and Brahmanical perspectives on Indian society, history and culture, and (3) high caste, cultural and religious symbols, linguistic and social competencies, modes of life and behaviour. Furthermore, the overarching stress has been on eulogizing mental as against manual labour. The heavily gendered nature of school curricular content was evident in that women’s specialised knowledge and skills systems found no place in it or in the general curricular discourse. Rather they were used for devaluation and stereotyping of the female sex in curriculum. Curriculum is thus urban elite male-centric and bereft of the country’s rich cultural diversity. There has been a corresponding devaluation of â€Å"lesser† dialects, cultures, traditions, and folklore of dalits and adivasis as also of peasantry. The second defining feature of the curriculum on the other hand, was its ‘colonial’ character which privileged western modernization. The ideology however was adopted in truncated, superficial ways – the emphasis being on the incorporation of knowledge of Western science and technology, viz. that of the â€Å"hard Western sciences†, the English language and Western styles of life. The pursuance of liberal, democratic socialist values even though enshrined in the Indian constitution was largely notional in the curriculum. Curricular structure and culture of the colonial model has remained unchanged. The defining features of the structure are: full time attendance of age specific groups in teacher supervised classrooms for the study of graded curricula. Full day schools, compulsory attendance, unconducively long time–span of classes and vacations, served as deterrents, being ill suited to educating SC/ST children, especially in the initial years when access was just being opened up and availed. Poor and SC/ST households depended on children for domestic work or other productive work whether or not to supplement household earnings. Today, things have changed substantially and large numbers of parents are prepared to forego children’s labour and send them to school. However school organisation and curricula have not been sensitive as yet to fundamentally different economic situations, life aims and social circumstances of children belonging to poorer strata households or communities in the shaping of the school structure. Culturally, school norms of attendance, discipline, homework, tests and exams, and cognitively ethnocentric demands of concentration on nd memorisation of the content of the text by `rote’, all prove problematic for SC/ST children. Furthermore, the curriculum itself as a tool of cultural dominance and hegemony has an alienating and intimidating impact. Curriculum and the Scheduled Castes: For the Scheduled Castes who have sought education as a mechanism to transform as well as enter â€Å"mainstream† (read dominant) society, the central questions are of representation of their knowledge and culture and the critiquing of dominant knowledge and value systems of their lived reality and of social relationships based on dominance/subordination and exclusion. Dominant forms of inequality and hierarchy are made invisible in the discourse on common nationhood and common and equal citizenship, which the school curriculum propagates. But for the Scheduled Castes the heart of the matter is structural oppression, not cultural difference. Thus understandings of oppressive aspects of our traditional and contemporary structures, the historical construction of groups and communities are made invisible by the curriculum and not subjects of key curricular importance. Krishna Kumar’s studies have focussed attention on how the dominant groups’ ideas about education and the educated get reflected in the curriculum. Following the curriculum, Indian texts uphold symbols of the traditional, male dominated feudal society and its obsolete cultural values and norms. However, that the value content of education is out of tune with the reality of the changing, dynamic India is a matter of choice – a choice consciously or unconsciously made by those selecting textbook material from the available body of literature and by those creating it. Worthwhile knowledge is that which is linked to the values and lifestyles of dominant groups. Ilaiah has vividly described how knowledge and language are rooted in and structured around productive processes of lower castes and around socio-cultural surroundings of their habitat. This knowledge and skill based vocabulary, which is very highly developed, finds no place in the school curriculum. Nor do stories, music and songs, values, skills, knowledge, traditions, cultural and religious practices. Contemporary dalit literature is similarly disregarded. Lives, values and norms of upper caste Hindus which are strange and alienating for the lower castes, continue to be dominantly present. To quote from Ilaiah, â€Å"right from early school Upto College, our Telugu textbooks were packed with these Hindu stories. Kalidasa was as alien to us as the name of Shakespeare. The language of textbooks was not the one that our communities spoke. Even the basic words were different. Textbook Telugu was Brahmin Telugu, whereas we were used to a production-based communicative Telugu. It is not merely a difference of dialect; there is a difference in the very language itself†. The dominance of epistemology and content of the politically powerful intellectual classes makes curricular knowledge ideologically loaded. While Gandhi, Tagore and Krishnamurti – all from the high castes – have received national attention as indigenous educational philosophers, education has not incorporated the anti-caste-patriarchy and anti-hegemonic discourses of Phule, Ambedkar, Periyar or Iyotheedas. Curriculum does not reflect upon the historical significance of caste, gender and tribe, nor of the challenges posed to it by dalit epistemology, knowledge and protest. This should have been done through literature and social science curricula. Phule saw education as a potent weapon in the struggle for revolutionary social transformation. For him, the purpose and content of education were radically different from both Brahmanical and colonial models of education. His ideal was an education that would bring an awareness among lower castes of oppressive social relations and their hegemonic moral and belief systems that pervaded their consciousness†¦. an education that would instill western secular values, encourage critical thought and bring about mental emancipation. It would fulfil practical needs but would be broad based enough to inspire a social and cultural revolution from below. During the course of the long struggle of dalit liberation, Ambedkar developed an ideology that incorporated a critique and reinterpretation of India’s cultural heritage, a rich philosophy drawn from a wide range of social thought and an action programme which lay an equal stress on social and cultural revolution as it did on the economic and political one. Like Phule, he defined the purpose of education in terms of mental awakening and reation of a social and moral conscience. Education was also a means of overcoming inferior status and state of mind, of wresting power from the powerful. Thus, the Ambedkarian agenda for education included: (a) creation of capacities for rational and critical thinking, (b) socialization into a new humanistic culture and ideology, (c) development of capacities and qualities necessary for entry and leadership in modern avenues of work and politics, and (d) inculcation of self-respect and aspirations to respectable lifestyles in which demeaning traditional practices would have no place. Clearly Phule-Ambedkarian ideology went way beyond narrow modernization and technocratic impulses. It gave pre-eminence to ideology and values, Western in origin but critically adapted towards emancipation of India’s downtrodden. Ilaiah, in fact, argues that these values are equally indigenous, constitutive of lived-in realities of dalit bahujans. Dalit and non-Brahman leaders drew on western philosophical traditions to build an ideology and praxis of revolutionary transformation of the Hindu social order. It aimed at establishing a socialist social order underpinned by a new morality, based on values of liberty, equality, fraternity and rationality. School curriculum in India failed to reflect these expressions of new moral order. It does not need any great study to show that the national or state school curricula or teacher education curricula were never guided by these radical visions. The Scheduled Castes and their issues and problems have remained peripheral to the curriculum and their representation if at all has been weak and distorted. Curriculum and the Scheduled Tribes: Like the SC, curriculum does not acknowledge cultural rights of the Scheduled Tribes who are denied their own culture and history. School curriculum fails to take account of tribal cultures as autonomous knowledge systems with their own epistemology, transmission, innovation and power. Kundu gives the example of children being set to write essays on the circus, or being trained to write letters through mock missives to the police asking them to take action on disturbance by loudspeakers during exams. While adivasi children may know a great deal about animals, they are unlikely to have ever seen a circus; where the police are usually feared as oppressors and electricity is erratic, if at all available, enlisting police support in keeping noise decibels down is a most unlikely situation Not only are the knowledge and linguistic and /or cognitive abilities that Scheduled Tribe children possess ignored – e. g. the capacity to compose and sing spontaneously, to think in riddles and metaphors and their intimate knowledge of their environment – but schooling also actively encourages a sense of inferiority about Scheduled Tribe cultures. Like the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes rarely feature in textbooks, and when they do, it is usually in positions servile to upper caste characters; or as ‘strange’ and ‘backward’ exotica. The ‘cultural discontinuity’ between school and home draws attention to the rigidity of school organization and the emphasis on discipline and punishment in contrast with socialization practices and the lives of children, as reasons for non-attendance. Sujatha cites the case of community schools in Andhra where there was closer interaction with parents, weekly holiday was in tune with the local weekly bazaar, and school holidays coincided with tribal festivals. The school was observed to show positive results. The Language Question: Despite several policy documents and a constitutional provision (350A) recognizing that linguistic minorities should be educated in their mother tongue at primary level, there is practically no education in Scheduled Tribe languages. This includes even those like Santhali, Bhili, Gondi or Oraon which are spoken by over a million people. Although states in India were organized on linguistic grounds, political powerlessness of Scheduled Tribes prevented the formation of states based on tribal languages. They are confined to minority status within large states and are compelled to learn the state language in school. Primary teachers are predominantly from non-ST communities. And despite the pedagogic significance of initial instruction in the mother tongue, teachers do not bother to learn the tribal language even after several years of posting. The general picture at primary level is often one of mutual incomprehension between ST students and their non-ST teachers. Several studies have pointed to the significance of the language question at the primary levels. Quite apart from the pedagogic problems this creates – such as destroying the child’s self esteem, and reducing the possibilities of successful learning in later years, the denigration of Scheduled Tribe languages amounts to denigration of Scheduled Tribe worldviews and knowledge. The education system with its insistence on a common language as a means of achieving a common nationhood has been instrumental in the destruction of tribal language, culture and identity. Even outside the school, educated youth often speak to each other in the language of the school, perhaps to mark themselves off from their ‘uneducated peers’. Several languages, especially those spoken by small numbers, are dying out. Loss of a language means the loss of a certain way of knowing the world. Experiences of schooling of tribal children in Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra have revealed the displacement of Bundelkhandi, Gondi and Warli by Sanskritised Hindi, Telugu and Marathi respectively. Depending on levels of cultural absorption and adaptation however, several Scheduled Tribes may not look to schools to teach in their home language. Indeed, for many Scheduled Tribe parents, the main advantage of schooling is that it gives access to the new languages, new occupations and a new life and enables interaction with the non-tribal world. But wherever Scheduled Tribes have been politically mobilised to celebrate Scheduled Tribe identity, they have been more clear and open in their demand for education in indigenous languages. The Alienating Impact of School Regimen: The school regimen of timing, discipline, hierarchy is especially alien to tribal children socialized in a world where individuality is respected from early on, and where parent-child interactions are relatively egalitarian. Kundu points out those testing procedures too are based on urban middle class values – the competitiveness and system of rewards that examinations represent is often culturally anomalous to Scheduled Tribe children who are brought up in an atmosphere of sharing. Furthermore, learning among ST children is usually intimately connected to the work process – children learn the names and medicinal uses of many plants and trees while accompanying their parents on foraging trips in the forest. When children are away at school, especially when they are sent to residential schools, they lose connection with this world of labour and their capacity to learn from it. Several studies have attested the alienating effects of language, school structure and ethos. Implications of Recent Hindu Cultural Nationalist Influences on Curriculum In the recent past a serious concern has been the ‘Hinduisation’ of the curriculum, its adverse implications for all children but most particularly to religious minorities and SC/ST. A deliberate policy move towards Hinduisation of the school which occurred at the behest of neo-right national government’s policy meant its specific framing within Vedic values and thought. However, even prior to that when there was no overt intent of curriculum or text to be grounded in dominant religious culture, the fact that most educational action teachers are Hindu made curriculum Hinduised. It influenced the manner in which annual days or other school events are celebrated. Breaking a coconut and lighting incense at the base of the flag pole on Republic or Independence Day is common practice. Additionally, distinctive Scheduled Tribe names are changed to standard Hindu names.

How Restrictions On A Country End A War Or Setup The Start...

Jacob Stofer Mr. Schulton January 31 2016 U.S History Research paper Does putting restrictions on a country end a war or setup the start for another war. After World War One the United States and the Allied powers created the Treaty of Versailles. The Treaty of Versailles set up new nations and borders between the Allied powers and Central powers. The treaty also contained a war guilt clause which would hold Germany solely responsible for starting World War One. Germany was one of the reasons that WWI started but the only reason. Since Germany had to take the responsibility for the war, they were faced with a crushing major debt. The Germans were at an all time low. This debt and unemployment cause civil unrest in Germany;†¦show more content†¦President Wilson s Fourteen Points became the basis for a peace program, suggesting that a League of Nations should be established to guarantee the political and territorial independence of countries. (Fighting in WW1 ceased when the armistice went into effect on November 11, 1918. The 14 Points essentially established the conditions for the Armistice that brought an end to World War. The Fourteen points system was more fair to Germany. The Fourteen point system was rejected by the Allied powers, but it set up parts in the Treaty of Versailles )(The Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations. Ushistory.org. Independence Hall Association. Web. 20 Feb. 2016. ) Woodrow Wilson was the part of the big three along with Clemenzo from France David loud Gorge . A main point of the treaty was self determination . The Allies disagreed over the amount. Some wanted Germany to be punished harshly, in order to cripple their ability to fight another war any time soon. Others wanted milder treatment, that would leave the German economy intact as a potential trade partner. France especially wanted Germany to be harshly punished. The United States saw Germany as potential customer. ( The Germans did try to defend themselves . Germany had committed errors, especially in Belgium, but no nation was innocent) Jeff Hay 27. ( The Germans believe felt that they had fought a just and honorable war, which they had not begun, and that the German people should not be made

Essay on Abuse in Government Care - 2381 Words

Abuse in Government Care It is unfortunate that in our society some children grow up without the opportunity of having a loving family to raise them. More unimaginable is children growing up with parents or family members that are abusive. Children raised in abusive environments that are reported to social services and removed from their home are placed into foster care. Foster care is defined supervised care for delinquent or neglected children usually in an institution or substitute home set up by the government. Some advocates claim that the government child care system is adequate, but others like David Van Biema of Time Magazine state that, â€Å"foster care is intended to protect children from neglect and abuse at the hands of†¦show more content†¦These children need a lot of attention and care so that they may live as normal a life as possible and learn to overcome the obstacles their lives will be presented with, goals such as these are hard to obtain with five to eight children in a home. With such large numbers it is not surprising that there is a median of 10.3 percent of children who reentered the foster care system within 12 months of discharge in the year 2000 (Dept of Health). The effect of our present foster care system is disastrous. Children are forced to move from one foster home to another, suffering abuse and neglect that cause the children to develop harsh psychological damage, severe behavioral problems, and suicidal thoughts, as shown in the story of on foster boy named Terry: Terrys story is in many respects typical of the plight of Americas 500,000 foster children. He entered foster care at the age of one after he was found with his five siblings suffering from frostbite in an unheated home, his mother in a drug-induced sleep. When he was five, he and two of his siblings were adopted by a foster family. To hear adoption proponents of today tell it, this should have provided the happy ending to Terry and his siblings travails. Unfortunately, this was only the beginning of a long journey through the labyrinth of the child welfare system. 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